Sunday 24 September 2017

These are our friends and partners, honest



In the wake of Theresa May's Florence speech I've heard another wave of arguments that "we should have guaranteed EU expats' rights from the start".  The Leave campaigns, being in no position to be held to account for it, were quite happy to make the "pledge", but government has been much more reticent from 24 June 2016 onwards.

May & co haven't gone as far as UKIP's Lord Pearson of Rannock, who suggested that expats should be used "as hostages in the negotiations" but May, then Home Secretary and leadership candidate, told us last July:  "I want to ensure that we are able to not just guarantee the positions of those people but guarantee the positions of British citizens in other member states"  but she didn't want to go further for fear of attracting a "surge" of migration from the EU in the run-up to actual withdrawal.

On Friday I heard Diane Abbott (Labour, Hackney North and Stoke Newington, majority 35,139) pushing the "do it now" line, and Penny Mordaunt (Conservative, Portsmouth North, majority 9,965) crowing that she'd been saying the same thing throughout the referendum campaign. And of both of them I ask:  what rights, and who gets them?

The rights of citizens of the EU while in another EU country are specified by a variety of EU directives and implemented by the member states to fit in with citizenship, residence and immigration policies which are otherwise up to each country.  There is no suitable status which could be granted under UK law other than EU citizen, which exists now but under Tory and Labour policy would be abolished.  May & co have had to invent a new "settled status", the terms of which are now (slowly) being thrashed out.

And who gets this status?  We don't know who's here now, and we won't know who's arrived in another week's time.  We could have required incomers to register - many other countries do - and we could have used the same rules to require EU expats who've been here for three months to "go home", but we chose not to, perhaps for good reason.

How many people we're talking about, and how to get to them, was a major part of the discussion when the Commons DExEU committee spoke to representatives of various think tanks in February.  Some of these people would be easy to find, was the message, others less so, but the fact remains that there are millions of them, and the Home Office will need a) lots more resources and b) to perform much better than it's famous for to deal with them.

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The subject of what rights expats should get is about the only area of the Article 50 negotiations where progress can be seen, as the two teams have put together a clunky table representing areas of agreement and disagreement after the third round of talks (there are 15 pages of this).


But then came Florence, and May took a question from an Italian journalist:

"As you said, 600,000 Italians now live in the UK.  You said that you want them to remain.  What is going to change for them – I guess something is going to change?"

and replied:

"We set out that for those EU citizens currently living in the UK who have made the UK their home, including those 600, 000 Italians who are in the UK, we want them to be able to stay and to have the same rights as they have at the moment."

This is discussed by Jonathan Portes, Professor of Economics and Public Policy at King's College London, in his blog.  The problem is that the government has "set out" no such thing.  The proposed settled status doesn't, for example, give an EU expat resident in the UK the continuing, automatic right to be joined by his or her family.

We are going to be told tomorrow that Mrs May "misspoke", that of course she didn't mean that, and by Wednesday the message will be that she didn't say it either.  These people couldn't organise a presentation to the press in a hotel room in Reading.




Saturday 23 September 2017

Persuading yourself is the first thing



It came as a surprise to some when the government white paper The United Kingdom’s exit from and new partnership with the European Union included the line "Whilst Parliament has remained sovereign throughout our membership of the EU, it has not always felt like that".

As the Independent reported in February 2017, this "completely contradicts a key argument for Brexit".  We are of course sovereign in that we can trigger article 50 of the Treaty on European Union and - if that's what the people the referendum dumped this thing on decide - just twiddle our thumbs and drop out.

While we are members, we have shared sovereignty in areas covered by the treaty.  We are part of the decision making process, through ministers of the UK government, a commissioner, civil servants and of course our elected members of the EU parliament. Over the most fundamental decisions we have a veto, but we have entered a collective process.

Brexit involves withdrawal from that shared sovereignty, "taking back control" by pulling back from that collective process, but also incorporating the vast majority of EU law into the UK (and eventually the devolved administrations') statute book.  This is because it's currently our law, and we'd cease to function without it.  I would lay a pointlessly large bet on a major part of it still being in place in 50 years time.

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During the election, as I noted in my blog post at the time, Jeremy Paxman asked Theresa May "When did  you change your mind on the biggest issue of the day?", referring obviously to Brexit, then "Are you trying to achieve something that you think is bad for us?", since she had been a less than ardent but occasionally visible campaigner to Remain.  (The wording of the questions is taken from notes, but I think it's fair.)

On 29 May she wouldn't say that she had changed her mind on Brexit, or that she actually believed in it now, only that she believed in "making a success of it".  She must have had a good think about that (or somebody must have had a word), because by 3 June the line was "You can only deliver Brexit if you believe in Brexit".



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To wrap up this probably rather strange burrowing into parts of the mind of May I turn to the Florence speech of 22 September, in which she said "The strength of feeling that the British people have about this need for control and the direct accountability of their politicians is one reason why, throughout its membership, the United Kingdom has never totally felt at home being in the European Union".

That reminds me of her foreword to the white paper I began with, where she wrote:  "But one of the reasons that Britain’s democracy has been such a success for so many years is that the strength of our identity as one nation, the respect we show to one another as fellow citizens, and the importance we attach to our institutions means that when a vote has been held we all respect the result. The victors have the responsibility to act magnanimously. The losers have the responsibility to respect the legitimacy of the outcome. And the country comes together".

There's some sense and some truth in both passages. but they also both suggest an oversimplification, a detachment from the real world.  There are obviously people who have felt at home in the EU.  I bet there are more who hadn't given it much thought until they were put on the spot.  And we have negotiated our own relationship with it, as have Denmark and Ireland, and Sweden and probably every member state, whether it's a small part of a protocol (such as the "list of conventions and protocols to which Bulgaria and Romania accede upon accession") or a major reservation (like the UK's opt-out of the euro).

The country has not come together, other than in resignation ("Sod 'em, let them get on with it").  A significant minority feel Brexit as a personal attack, on themselves, their families, their rights and their view of their country.  And, at least in the unrepresentative echoings of Twitter I encounter anything but magnanimity from some "victors".

May's own party is not united.  Jacob Rees Mogg has expressed his opposition to the proposed transition period and Iain Duncan Smith seems likely to object very strongly when he discovers that his latest repetition of "we will no longer be subject to the EU’s laws or to its court [as of 29 March 2019]" is unlikely to be true.

And it really is pushing it for May to call on the "strength of feeling that the British people have about... direct accountability of... politicians".  This is the woman who wasted an extra two months on a supreme court hearing to prevent elected MPs having a say on the triggering of Article 50.  To say nothing of her Henry VIII complex.

I'm not persuaded.  Is she?




Thursday 21 September 2017

Multilateral relations, rules-based systems and international frameworks. Of a sort


May going into No 10 - from @PoliticalPics (I would have used his actual tweet if he let ordinary people access them)

Theresa May is in a cabinet meeting as I begin this, her aim to achieve unanimous agreement on the speech she will give in Florence tomorrow.  The story is that she practically stepped off the plane and into No 10, which means last night's supposed mini-summit with Boris Johnson over the Atlantic came to very little.  Adam Boulton on Sky reports that she told him she needed some sleep.

The speech is billed as an "open and generous offer" to "break the deadlock" in the Brexit negotiations, but it seems to be the wrong time - the September round of talks has had to be postponed until next week - and possibly the wrong place.

May took her "fair and serious" offer on EU citizens' rights to the EU Council in June, three days after the first round of talks had done little more than set up a few working groups and agree the timetable which May & co had refused to countenance until they screwed up an election.  Some EU leaders greeted it politely as "insufficient" and others as "at least it's something" but they basically told her it would have to wait until the July talks because when they told us the negotiations would be done by Barnier, not heads of state and government, they meant it.

Will choosing her own time and place be seen as a sign of strength or of not taking things seriously?

HR News

The Department for Exiting the EU has announced the renomination of the British judge to the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU or ECJ, according to taste).  Christopher Vajda QC, who has done the job since 2012 after 30 years of practice in European Law, should encounter no difficulties as he goes through a scrutiny panel and approval of his appointment by the Member States.

That first nomination in 2012 was announced by the Foreign Office, but all relationships with the EU seem now to be handled by the bunch responsible for getting us out of it.  As the new announcement says, "While we continue to be a Member State, we will honour our rights and obligations, this includes nominating a judge to the Court of Justice".

Saboteurs department

Before she addressed the United Nations General Assembly (or at least a few of them) on her ideas of multilateral cooperation Theresa May spent a day in Canada, emerging with an agreement that "Canada's free trade deal with the European Union will form the basis for a swift transition to a post-Brexit trading relationship between Canada and the U.K."

A UK-Canada working group will be established to work on a "seamless" transition to a new trading relationship when the UK is legally able to agree one.

Note, as Justin Trudeau did, that the word "basis" means "starting point", not the "copy and paste" reported by some of the media.  In Trudeau's words:  "We will be able to move forward in a smooth transition that keeps the essence of CETA applicable to the U.K. in ways that respect the EU's requirements and rules".  Other CBC comment says this is "a shrunken ambition for those who campaigned for Brexit.  After all, breaking free of the EU was supposed to restore a golden age of free trade as countries rushed to renegotiate deals with a Britain free of Eurocratic interference.  The best now on offer, it seems, is to try to hang on to the deals Britain already has under the EU".

This is one of thousands of things we will have to keep an eye open for.

Stop press!

The cabinet meeting hasn't finished yet.

Tuesday 19 September 2017

The rule of law, British style

[This was first posted on Monday 18 September.  Between us, Google and I then managed to lose it and revert to an earlier edit.  I've reconstructed it as far as possible, but some of it might feel a bit out of date.]


Some campaigners to leave the EU liked to reel off a list of things the British have given to the world, which would stand us in good stead when we set out on the great global journey on our own - things like the English language, the BBC and the rule of law.  And yet...

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"German politician Elmar Brok has ridiculed Theresa May's offer to protect the rights of EU nationals living in the UK" reports the Daily Express, whereas the government position is that "The commitment we will make will be enshrined in UK law, and enforceable through our highly respected courts".

If it comes to it I'd generally back UK courts (which is more than the Daily Mail sometimes does) but they can only work with the law they're given and, it appears, the government they work under.

Why would Elmar Brok be so concerned?  There might be some detail to sort out but surely a British court is up to the job of guaranteeing people's rights.  Yes, but what will be the law they're given to do it with?  And will the government take any notice?

On Thursday the British government expelled an Afghan in contravention of a court order. The young man, who had worked for the Afghan government and US companies, and feared for his life, sought refuge in the UK to join his father who had already been granted asylum.  He is his father's main carer.

Amber Rudd, Home Secretary
The Guardian reports that the Home Office "decided not to abide" by a court order intended to prevent him being put on a plane to Kabul, so there he ended up.  At that point a second order was granted which described the home secretary’s breach of the first court order as “prima facie contempt of court”.  The Independent reports he is "expected to be returned to London on Sunday morning after the Court of Appeal threw out the Government’s attempt to keep him in Afghanistan".

Latest update, 18 September:  Mr Bigzad has been brought back to the UK overnight, as reported by the BBC.

This follows many stories about Afghans who worked as interpreters for coalition forces during the occupation of their country but found it difficult to seek refuge with their erstwhile employers when the Taliban identified them as collaborators and threatened them with execution.

Those "highly respected courts" have done their jobs here, but the government has gone against their orders.  The same government which declares that the rights of EU expats will be "enshrined in UK law".  Could the UK's intentions, declared to the EU withdrawal negotiations, come into question?

The UK has always made it more difficult than other countries for EU expats who make a home here to apply for permanent residence, which they have the right to do after five years.  Until recently our form has been 85 pages long, compared with half a dozen in some other countries, original documents have been required, and sometimes kept for months, and people have sometimes found it necessary to pay for legal representation to navigate the process.

One of the common reasons permanent residence has been refused is that applicants have no health insurance. They might have been in the UK for a decade, using the NHS as is their right under EU arrangements, but suddenly they were required to have separate insurance.  The EU Commission has warned the UK government that this is not legal: "Under the Free Movement Directive, EU citizens who settle in another EU country but do not work there may be required to have sufficient resources and sickness insurance. The United Kingdom, however, does not consider entitlement to treatment by the UK public healthcare scheme (NHS) as sufficient. This breaches EU law".

That was until recently.  Now, if you go to the government website to the page headed Status of EU citizens in the UK: what you need to know you're told "There is no need for EU citizens living in the UK to do anything now. There will be no change to the status of EU citizens living in the UK while the UK remains in the EU. If you would like to find out the latest information you can sign up for email updates".

Until there is an agreed system, they admit, there's no point in doing anything.  Not least because "People who have been continuously living here for 5 years will be able to apply to stay indefinitely by getting ‘settled status'".  This means that people who already hold a permanent residence card, who've filled in the 85 pages and run the gauntlet of the process, who've eventually got all their documents back, will have to do it all again.  We're promised it will be a simpler system, which I, EU expats and our EU partners will believe when we see it.


This shouldn't be treated as a postscript, but finally there are the 100 deportation letters sent "in error" to EU expats in the UK.  When the alarm was raised across social media apologies came thick and fast, with Theresa May called it an "unfortunate error", adding:  "I want to assure EU nationals here in the UK that their rights and status in the UK have not changed".  To which an appropriate response might be "Yeah, right".

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Customs is one of dozens of areas requiring detailed negotiation and comprehensive system design to have any hope of working after Brexit.  The UK government put out a discussion paper on customs for the Brussels negotiations which David Davis quickly dismissed as blue sky thinking.  It calls for "flexible and imaginative" solutions, not least to the question of Northern Ireland's border with the Republic.

All the suggestions seem to be based on the twin ideas that:
  1. The UK should keep its regulations and customs areas aligned with the EU's - oh, and we'll collect each other's customs duties (which should annoy the Brexiters)
  2. Everything should work much as it does now, but outside the customs union and without the ECJ to underpin the legal framework (which should annoy the EU which would have to foot the bill for a new and more complex system with no advantage to them)
But everyone should get a laugh from "We acknowledge this is an innovative and untested approach that would take time to develop and implement".

Back in the real world, HMRC envisages a new unified system to draw together 26 organisations which deal with various aspects of cross-border dealings, but significant work is required even to complete an upgrade of the existing system to handle 130,000 UK companies which import from and export to other EU countries but currently have no need to come into contact with customs due to single market membership.

The number of customs declarations is expected to increase up to five-fold to 255 million a year but as Private Eye (issue 1451) and other commentators point out, new government IT systems don't have a good reputation.  The National Audit Office identifies a "risk that HMRC will not have the full functionality and scope of CDS (Customs Declaration Service) in place by March 2019 when the UK plans to leave the UK". Since the future UK-EU customs relationship will not be known for some time, and quite possibly not by the likely withdrawal date of March 2019, HMRC are obviously preparing options for transitional arrangements.

But surely, with good will on all sides and a following wind everything will go all right.  No?  But where would that good will come from?  An inquiry by the EU's anti-fraud office has concluded that the UK should pay a fine of €2bn for customs failures. Other EU member states acted to stop fraud associated with lost customs duties on Chinese-produced textiles and shoes imported into the EU via the UK between 2013 and 2016, but HM Revenue & Customs (HMRC) continued to ignore fraudulent evasion of duties.  Several countries have also reported significant losses of VAT.


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A final example of this government's shaky relationship with the rule of law goes back a couple of years.  The FT's legal commentator wrote in April 2015"In a judgment handed down today the High Court held that yet again the Ministry of Justice under Grayling had acted unlawfully".

Chris Grayling was Justice Secretary at the time, which made him the only minister with a responsibility to uphold the rule of law specifically written into statute.  And yet he was determined to ignore his ministry's own statutory rules to force a change of policy about the treatment of prisoners.

He had told his barrister to argue that the rules (called Directions) had been issued by a Justice Secretary, could be changed or removed by a Justice Secretary, and that therefore they were "not directions to him but by him, and he cannot be bound by them".  The judge dismissed this argument, declaring that "so long as [the directions] remain in force they are binding on the Board and also binding on the Secretary of State, in the sense that he cannot lawfully tell the Board to ignore them or his officials to frustrate them".

Saboteurs department



Boris Johnson decided that six days before May makes her speech in Florence was a great day to write 4000 words (maybe 1000 when you remove the waffle) on his "optimistic" vision of Brexit.  The full piece is here, and Christopher Hope's bullet-point style introduction to it is here.  Both are behind a paywall, so here's an even more bullet-point style illustration just in case.


This was prepared by someone who is far from friendly to Johnson's cause but does reproduce Hope's ten headlines faithfully.  To take just one of these "points from a plan", does this look like a point from a plan?

And to take just one passage from Johnson's original article (this is from the section entitled "Our destiny will be in our own hands"):

"But, of course, this country still has chronic problems, and at least some of them have been exacerbated by the rigidities of EU membership - and certainly by the way we have chosen legally to apply those obligations.  Our infrastructure is too expensive - and takes far longer than France or other countries.  Successive governments have failed to build enough homes - though this is now being tackled by Sajid Javid.

"Our vocational training is often superb - but still not inspirational, and we have yet to find a way of persuading middle-class kids that they might be just as well off getting a skill as a degree.  We do not conduct enough basic research in science, and I am afraid we still have too many schools that are content with second-best.  The result of all these failings - over decades - is that we have low productivity: lower than France or Germany."


So according to Johnson, EU membership has exacerbated at least some of this country's problems and the way we've chosen to implement them has certainly exacerbated some of them.  Note that word "chosen".  It's up to each member state to decide how to implement each EU directive, and I'd certainly look at any examples Johnson puts forward.

But what does he put forward?  In infrastructure, house building, vocational training, basic scientific research, school quality, we're just not doing as well as... France and Germany.  What exactly is he blaming on the EU?

Finally, this morning's contribution from Chris Giles, the Financial Times' economics editor, is valuable because it analyses the claim made, seeks out the source and then evaluates the argument.  Importantly, and again, Brexit turns out to be irrelevant.  Read the thread of tweets for yourselves.






UK (mostly) Bluesky starter packs

The person who assembled the list - the internal Bluesky name of the starter pack - the link andywestwood.bsky.social - go.bsky.app/6jFi56t ...