Thursday, 22 August 2024

UK (mostly) Bluesky starter packs

These are starter packs I've encountered (mostly UK-based), with the Bluesky account each one is associated with.

I really did try to structure them, but gave up and resorted to rough grouping.

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Great UK commentators - @hetanshah.bsky.social
UK political commentary types - @chrischirp.bsky.social
UK MPs 2024 - politicshome.bsky.social
Cartoonists - @chriswilliams-dink.bsky.social
You might remember me from the old place - @kevinmkruse.bsky.social


Trade + related economics, law, politics - @coppetainpu.bsky.social
Economics, data, bit of AI part 1 - @hetannshah.bsky.social
Economics, data, bit of AI part 2 - @hetannshah.bsky.social
Political economy - @thinkwoodist.bsky.social
Economistas en espaƱol - @sanpages.bsky.social


UK Housing - @annaclarke.bsky.social
Housing for refugees from X - @julesbirch.bsky.social
Retrofit housing UK - @lizlaine.bsky.social
Town planning UK - @alyn.bsky.social
Talk about transport and urban planning - @planningtransport.co.uk
UK planning - @barneystringer.bsky.social


UK legal Twitter diaspora 2 - @seanjones.org
UK legal Twitter diaspora 3 - @seanjones.org
UK legal Twitter diaspora 4 - @seanjones.org
UK legal diaspora 5 - @seanjones.org
UK legal Bluesky 6 - @seanjones.org
Irish law - @orandoyle.bsky.social
Legal commentators I enjoy reading - @legalmusings.bsky.social


Bylines Network writers and editors - @bylinesnetwork.bsky.social 
Prospect Magazine's starter pack - @prospectmagazine.bsky.social 
Guardian and Observer reporters, writers - @severincarrell.bsky.social
UK-based journalists and news organisations 2 - @severincarroll.bsky.social
Scottish politics, policy and press - @severincarroll.bsky.social
Scottish politics, people and press 2 - @severincarroll.bsky.social
UK News and politics - @tomirwin.bsky.social
Active news media organisations - @tomirwin.bsky.social
US political commentators - @tomirwin.bsky.social
Quiet Riot podcast - @quietriotpod.bsky.social
BBC journalists and producers - @fulelo.bsky.social
LBC radio presenters - @danielbarnett.com
UK pollsters and polling gurus - @cwp-weir.bsky.social
US elections, politics and polls - @donnermaps.bsky.social
ProPublica staff - @propublica.org
Independent writers - @molly.wiki
WIRED journalists - @couts.bsky.social
Rolling Stone writers - @timdickinson.bsky.social


UK think tanks - @beckymontacue.bsky.social
Local government policy and practice - @jesstud.bsky.social
Health and care policy- @katejopling.bsky.social
R&D, innovation, industrial policy - @andywestwood.bsky.social
UK third sector 1 - @gemabbott.bsky.social
UK third sector 2 - @gemabbott.bsky.social 
Immigration/asylum - @stephanedegooyer.bsky.social
Institute for Government experts - @drhannahwhite.bsky.social


UK criminologists - @drhannahgraham.bsky.social
Children's rights - @dralistruthers.bsky.social
Peace and conflict scholars - @sebvanbaalen.bsky.social


Energy & environmental econ - @stevecicala.bsky.social
Climate adaptation / Resilience Scientists - @meadekrosby.bsky.social
Climate updates - @climatenews.bsky.social
Active weather/climate posters - @markellinwood.bsky.social
Women in Energy - @isoutar.bsky.social
UK and Europe energy posters - @isoutar.bsky.social
Brian's pack of hurricane gurus - @bmcnoldy.bsky.social

European and the EU - @johncurtis.bsky.social
EU politics - @mijrahman.bsky.social
EU/Brussels bubble - @mvanhulten.bsky.social
Brexit analysis people - @chrisgrey.bsky.social
Brexit and UK politics - @profjacob.bsky.social
European thinkers against Brexit - @andrewhesselden.bsky.social
Exports on German rightwing extremism -  @michellelkahn.bsky.social


GPs - @clairedocdavies.bsky.social
Health services research- @louiselocock.bsky.social
Delirium and dementia- @kitb.bsky.social
Philosophy, Psychiatry and Mental Health - @matthewbroome.bsky.social
ME CFS Long Covid - @@lindaoh.bsky.social


Modern British history (1900-) - @mrcwarwick.bsky.social
Early modern history centres - @srsrensoc.brky.social
Early modern historians 1 - @onslies.bsky.social
Early modern historians 2 - @onslies.bsky.social
History and politics - @leightonandrews.bsky.social
Historians in Britain - @drlindseyfitz.bsky.social
Historians in Britain 2 - @drlindseyfitz.bsky.social
Material culture - @jenniebatchelor.bsky.social
Labour history - @sslh.bsky.social
Labour Growth/Housing and Infrastructure - @feedfthedrummer.bsky.social
Archaeology and heritage 1 - @cjfrieman.bsky.social
Political science teaching and learning - @colinmbrown.bsky.social
Political scientists (kind and supportive) - @turnbulldugarte.bsky.social
Communitarians - @nickplumb.bsky.sociial


Liverpool fans 1 - @jacksobc.bsky.social
Liverpool fans 2 - @jacksobc.bsky.social
Liverpool fans 3 - @jacksobc.bsky.social 


Volcanoes! - @erikklemetti.bsky.social
Nature photographers (with alt text) - @gettoknownature.bsky.social
Great photographers - @mariegardiner.bsky.social
Nature writers - @nicwilson.bsky.social 
Food & agriculture - @wyoweeds.bsky.social
Planetary scientists - @asrivkin.bsky.social
Astronomy - @emily.space
Evolutionary biologists - @jbyoder.oorg


A lady to follow  - @aloner.bsky.social
Wales - @leightonandrews.bsky.social
History stuff - @mariegardiner.bsky.social
Irish Historians and feeds - @petergray47.bsky.social
Autistic community - @autisticadam.bsky.social
Old London(ish) FinTwit - @tobyn.bsky.social
Scientists who write science books - @nicolecrust.bsky.social
STEM writers and science/medical historians - @drlindsetfitz.bsky.social
Dull and Grumpy Introverts Who Live With Cats - @darklyadapted.bsky.social
Philosophy - @keithwilson.eu
Language and linguistics - @egasmb.bsky.social


Prog rock - @closetotheedge.bsky.social
Bands and musicians - @florgoth.bsky.social
Wine people - @donalde.bsky.social


Critical AI - @eryk.bsky.social


Washington Post journalists - @drewharwell.com
British Columbia - @miss604.bsky.social
CanadaSky - @nicktsergas.bsky.social
150 journalists in Canada - @llebrun.bsky.social
Palestine/Middle East - heissenstat.bsky.social

Sunday, 18 August 2024

Letter to BBC R4 Today - This is a test of the UK's seriousness


Dear Today,

We're seeing mpox spreading across Africa, and leaking out to Sweden and Pakistan (so far). The WHO has declared it a public health emergency of international concern.

The NHS tells us "If you get infected with mpox, it usually takes between 5 and 21 days for the first symptoms to appear", and the first sign could be "flu-like symptoms". That could give us plenty of time for infection to spread before it's detected.

NHS advice is imprecise on whether the infection can be transmitted asymptomatically if you are "in close contact (such as touching their skin or sharing towels, clothes or bedding) with someone who HAS MPOX OR HAS MPOX SYMPTOMS" [my capitalisation], but there are warnings that it can - "Some people can spread mpox to others from 1 to 4 days before they have symptoms".

The UK Health Security Agency tells us "The risk to the UK population is currently considered low. However, planning is underway to prepare for any cases that we might see in the UK. This includes ensuring that clinicians are aware and able to recognise cases promptly, that rapid testing is available, and that protocols are developed for the safe clinical care of people who have the infection and the prevention of onward transmission".

The first Hallett report on the UK's preparedness for a pandemic emerged on 18 July, with recommendations to act quickly and visibly. The Cabinet Office and UK Health Security Agency would surely be expected to have a plan for a plan by now to deliver according to the recommendations defined in Appendix 4 of the report, and I'd like to know why it wouldn't require the first review (Recommendation 1) before Christmas.

This is a test of the UK's seriousness, and you should be pursuing it rather than waiting for official announcements.

Yours sincerely,

Ed Wilson


Wednesday, 31 July 2024

56 seconds of Farridge - "My response to the attack in Southport" - statement, 30 July 2024


Farridge      Commentary
Well it's pretty horrendous. The third young girl has died as a result of the stabbings yesterday in Southport. I obviously join everybody in my horror at what has happened. I know the prime minister went to lay flowers and was heckled, and it shows you how unhappy the public are with the state of law and order in our country.

Indeed we are (though when was the last prime ministerial visit which didn't attract the odd heckle?)

  • police numbers slashed and only partly replaced by inexperienced recruits after ten wasted years
  • prison staff slashed and hard to recruit due to working conditions
  • probation half-privatised then re-deprivatised
  • courts closed, judicial schedules squeezed, legal aid lawyers' pay held down - for more than a decade this time - and legal aid withdrawn
  • child and youth provision pretty much disappeared in many areas
  • boasts that crime is down - largely true - but sentences pushed up, so the prisons are full to overflowing
  • Covid effects (there are some, but most of it has nothing to do with those two years) leaving court schedules way behind and many more remand prisoners
  • prosecutions, from the appalling figures for rape, to shoplifting and all points in between, apparently just not happening

I have to say, there are one or two questions. Was this guy being monitored by the security services?

Nobody seems to have any reason to say so, but let's throw that in.

Some reports say he was, others less sure.

A classic directed on-the-one-hand-but-then-on-the-other, with several hands missing and a strong hint at the direction he wants you to take.

The police say it's a non-terror incident, just as they said the stabbing of an army lieutenant-colonel in uniform on the streets of Kent the other day was a non-terror incident.

As far as I know, neither of these terrible cases is being investigated as a terrorist incident, though counter-terror police might be consulted in complex cases - see this discussion of police and media methods from an experienced journalist.

I just wonder whether the truth is being withheld from us. I don't know the answer to that, but it is a fair and legitimate question.

He has no reason or evidence to wonder this (except perhaps a suspicious mind), but he thinks he should by now have planted the idea that "fair and legitimate question" actually means "bleedin' obvious".

 What I do know is something is going horribly wrong in our once beautiful country.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ?

 

Tuesday, 19 December 2023

The Mone affect

The bulk of this post is a transcript of Laura Kuenssberg's interview with Doug Barrowman and Michelle Mone, broadcast on 17 December 2023, about the supply of PPE to the government's desperate attempt to tackle Covid-19. The BBC showed a short edit of the conversation on Sunday with Laura Kuenssberg (starting at around 7:25) and published a longer edit on their website.

The shorter edit is shown in red, with the rest of the longer edit in blue and my comments, indented, in purple.

The PPE Medpro case has been "debated" online as if it's the only example of a questionable government contract during the Covid period, and Barrowman has being pretty much ignored because he doesn't look good in a swimsuit.

Even after this interview very few of the PPE contracts (of which there were over a hundred) and none of the thousands of other contracts awarded without proper tendering have come up.

Mone protests that the government is treating Barrowman and her as scapegoats. Sunak's stock answer is "The government takes these things incredibly seriously, which is why we’re pursuing legal action against the company concerned... That’s how seriously I take it and the government takes it... But it is also subject to an ongoing criminal investigation, and because of that, there’s not much further that I can add."

The last thing government wants to do is talk openly about the number of contracts they're chasing up. Or the number they've given up on because they're too hard. Or face public questions about money handed to cronies.


Dramatis personae

DB: Doug Bannerman

LK: Laura Kuenssberg

MM: Michelle Mone


The interview

LK: Baroness Mone, Doug Barrowman, let's go back in time to that terrible spring of 2020. You thought you could supply PPE - masks, gowns, equipment that was desperately needed for the government.

DB: Well, like everyone else we were in lockdown, in the Isle of Man, and Michelle and I watched the terrible scenes unfurl on television, and the clear shortage that there was in PPE. We looked at each other and we thought we can make a difference. We had strong contacts, and...

LK: A big business opportunity there as well.

DB: Yes, that wasn't the primary motivation. We wanted to do our bit. And, you know, like any supplier in any contract to government, you know, yes, there will be an element of profit, but the primary motivation was to help.

LK: What did you do then Michelle?

MM There was a call to arms for all Lords, baronesses, MPs, senior civil servants to help, because they needed massive quantities of PPE. Given the fact that I've got 25 years manufacturing experience, and that's one of the reasons why I was put into the House of Lords. I'm a brand expert etc etc. I looked at Doug and I thought, we can really, really help here. And I just know all the key players in the far east, and I made the call to Michael Gove.

LK: And what did you say to him?

MM: I just said to him - well he knows that I'm a manufacturing experience - and I just said "We can help", and "we want to help" and he was like "Oh my goodness, this is amazing".

DB: So we entered into discussions, PPE Medpro, myself - I led the consortium - of two other partners, a company based in Hong Kong, Bain & co, and a company based in the UK, Loudwater Trade and Finance...

LK: So to be really clear, PPE Medpro didn't exist before the pandemic.

DB: No. You've got three partners, they needed a vehicle to trade, and at the end of the day we weren't going to trade a company out of Hong Kong, and the British government would have preferred to always trade with a UK company. So we created PPE Medpro as a UK business so that the three partners could provide PPE to the British government.

LK: But you had a kind of VIP access, you had a cabinet minister on speed dial, you could phone up and say, "I think I can make this happen, can you put me in touch with the right people?"

MM: Yeah, well, that's what we were asked to do. But what I think the public think is that - you know - we were trying to keep it a secret**, that I was involved. Everyone in DHSC, NHS, the Cabinet Office, the government, knew of my involvement. And they asked us to both declare our interests.


** The public might think you were trying to keep it a secret because "everyone in DHSC, NHS, the Cabinet Office, the government" is not the public. As Kuenssberg tortuously demonstrates later.


LK: When you say that though, you told the government, the government was aware. Did you tell the house of Lords authorities?

MM: OK, so basically I discussed it with the Cabinet Office, and you do not declare your interest in the House of Lords if you are not a director, you're not a shareholder, you're not financially benefitting, and I discussed that with the Cabinet Office, and they said, "We just need you to put it in writing and declare your interest, with us..." That's all.

DB: I... as well.

LK But the House of Lords rules say that members have a clear duty to provide information which might reasonably be thought by others to influence their actions. Because there's a question of perception here too, and in fact the rules also say that sometimes registration of a spouse or a partner's interests is also required

MM: Right, well again Laura, I was only doing what I was asked to do. And, as far as I was aware, if you're not a director, not a shareholder, not financially benefitting then that's exactly what I did. If I was told by the Cabinet Office "No, you actually need to do this", I would have done it straight away.

DB: I'm a business guy, so I think like an entrepreneur. I don't know the parliamentary rulebook. Cabinet Office clearly felt there was a perceived conflict**, because you have an unusual situation of a husband and wife team being together. I'm the entrepreneur, I'm leading the consortium, I'm fronting the consortium, she's doing her level best to make sure the government get what they want, and obviously she was a conduit, a liaison with the consortium. I live with the woman, I'm married to the woman. It's an unusual situation. They must have been satisfied in the end to have awarded the contract, contracts. If they were not satisfied, they should never have awarded us a contract. They should have said "There's a perceived contract her, conflict here."


** I'm still not sure Barrowman really meant to say "Cabinet Office clearly felt there was a perceived conflict" because it demolishes the argument for not registering it in the Lords.


MM: I was only doing as I was told, and the Cabinet Office asked me to do that. And we had no hesitation to give, to declare our interest, and we did that straight away. And, you know, the reason why I was helping out is that I was just shocked, you know, the pandemic and running out

LK: But what's also clear is the Parliamentary rules are clear, that members of the House of Lords, or members of the House of Commons, if they have a financial interest, or a perceived conflict of interest, which you mentioned Doug, the responsibility is on them - it was on you to tell Parliament. Do you wish you had?

MM: If I knew I had to... the Cabinet Office advised me only to do this. You know, you listen to the Cabinet Office. They're in contact with all the ministers, they're in contact with the House of Lords, they're in contact with everyone. The Cabinet Office, and I was doing exactly as they asked me to do.

LK: By your own admission though, and for the reasons you've set out - you say you wanted to help, you used your contact with government ministers to help broker a commercial deal for a company that was to bring tens and tens of millions of pounds of profit for your husband, for your family, and you didn't tell the authorities in Parliament. To a lot of our viewers watching, that might sound like you were trading on your title and not following the rules, not declaring it all...

MM: No, absolutely not, and I was just acting the same way as every other baroness, Lord, who also put names forward - there was lots of us.

LK: What did you agree to provide? And how much was the contract for Doug?

DB: OK. So the first contract was to supply 210 million Type 2R masks which, the average price that was being paid at that time was 51p per mask, and our masks were 38½p. That was an extremely competitive price. Those goods were delivered on time, to specification and at the competitive price I just intimated. They were also used and fully deployed in the NHS, so there was no issue whatsoever with that contract. Off the back of the credentials that had been established with the DHSC we successfully won a second contract** to supply 25 million sterile surgical gowns.


** It only comes up much later that there was a problem with the second contract, and Kuenssberg doesn't tell us that's why she's asking questions about "something's gone wrong".


LK And how much were you paid, and how much of it was profit?

DB: The two contracts in total came to a value of £202 million, and Medpro made a return on its investment of about - realistically - about 30%.

LK: So about £60 million.

DB: Yeah, yeah, about that, yeah. That's right, or so...

LK: To a lot of people watching, making a profit of £60 million during a national emergency like a pandemic sounds not just like an enormous amount of cash, but also a bit like profiteering.

DB: Well, PPE prices during the pandemic went up five times, and a lot of our competitors were charging as I said before, on the gowns front between 7 and 12 pounds a gown. At the very start of the pandemic the government paid actually numbers way in excess of that. We cut out most of the middle people, and we dealt direct with the manufacturer.

LK:  So you say you saved the government a lot of money, but you also made a lot of money. And there's nothing wrong with making money... But that is what happened, right?

DB: We made a good return for the risk involved, and the risk was considerable. We had to fund all the working capital. To fund these contracts with manufacturers you have to pay 50% up front, so on 202 million of contracts that's a lot of money. The government did not give us any deposits up front, and at one stage in the contract they owed us £74 million, and I can assure you, we were sweating. Because the government held all the cards with the contracts. Until they were happy with the outcomes, and the products that we had supplied, there was no guarantee we would get paid, so the risks were absolutely extraordinary.

LK: But when it became public that you were connected to the company, you both denied it. Why?

MM: I wasn't trying to pull the wool over anyone's eyes, and I regret and I'm sorry for not saying straight out "Yes I am involved" because DHSC, the NHS, the Cabinet Office, they all knew of my involvement. But I didn't want the press intrusion for my family. My family have gone through hell with the media over, you know, my career. And I didn't want another big hoo-hah in the press and my family to be involved in it.

LK: It was more than an error though. Your lawyers repeatedly told journalists who wanted to report the truth that you were not connected. Lawyers for you Doug said repeatedly you had no role or function in PPE Medpro. You've been telling us today how hard you worked to get the contracts and to make the contracts happen. Over a period of months, you said again and again that you had no connection and your lawyers even said to some journalists it would be defamatory, they'd be libelling you if they told the truth. You know, this just wasn't a slip-up...

MM: Yeah

LK: You didn't tell the truth for months on end...

MM: I think if we were to say of anything that we have done - we've done a lot of good - but if we were to say anything that we have done, that we are sorry for, and... that's not, that's... we should have told the press straight up, straight away. Nothing to hide. Everyone knew of an involvement, and we should have said to them of our involvement. And we were just trying to not have all the front covers of the pages again. For my family, and I was just protecting my family. And again, I'm sorry for that, but I wasn't trying to pull the wool over anyone's eyes. No-one.

LK: But that's exactly what you were trying to do. You had lawyers working for both of you, telling people, telling the public, that you had nothing to do with the company.

MM: Yeah

LK: And saying it would have been a libel to suggest that you were.

MM: But the NHS, the DHSC, the Cabinet Office. You know I wish that they would have probably come out and said, we know of their involvement. That would have helped. But yeah, it's something that we regret doing, and we listened to our advisers.

LK: What happened then, to the money, the profit you've alluded to, around about £61 million?

DB: So, I led the consortium. At the end of the day I'm an Isle of Man resident. The money comes to the Isle of Man, 'cause that's fundamentally where I live. It goes on my tax return, and like all my sources of income that I've generated over many years, it goes into trust for the benefit of my family.

LK: Was any of it used to buy a yacht?

DB: No. No.

MM: Used to buy a what, sorry?

LK: A yacht.

MM: A yacht? It's not my yacht. It's not my money. I don't have that money, and my kids don't have that money. And my children, my family, have been through so much pain because of the media, they have not got £29 million.


** The sum of £29 million has been mentioned in media reports as Mone's share of the profits, but here it comes out of the blue with no explanation from her or Kuenssberg.


LK: And this money from PPE Medpro as I understand it went into two trusts.

DB: Yes.

LK: Now one of those trusts**, called Keristal...


** At no point does Kuenssberg ask about the second trust - the other half of the profits.


DB: Yes

LK: The beneficiaries of that trust, where half of the profit went, are you [MM] and your children...

MM: And Doug's children

DB: And my children. For the benefit of all my family.

MM: I'm his wife, so I'm a beneficiary. As well as his children, as well as my children. And you know, in my will, if I die one day, my husband's in my will, my kids are in my will, so, you know, that's what couples do.

LK: You've said repeatedly you didn't financially benefit from this deal. Except, it's just a matter of time before you benefit. The trust is in your and your children's name. That is a financial...

MM: No, no...

DB: That's not true

LK: Not right now. This is exactly what I'm trying to clarify.

DB: Let's clarify. The trust is settled in my name. It's my income, it's taxed on my tax return, and I choose to put it in trust for the benefit of not just Michelle's kids but my own kids as well. Ultimately one day, because I'm not going to be on the planet for ever, someone's going to benefit from a lifetime in business and experience. Ultimately, if I'm married to Michelle, and ultimately I want to generate profit, and ultimately Michelle in some shape or form is going to indirectly benefit. And actually, if I die, one day in the future, she's going to directly benefit.

LK: As you've just said Doug, your family is benefitting - you [MM] will benefit - as a family you are benefitting from those tens of millions of pounds. Whether it's today, or in ten years or twenty years or thirty years... for most people watching this you did a deal with the government to provide more than £200 million pounds worth of PPE and your family has made tens of millions of pounds...

MM: No, not my family hasn't, Laura, made tens of millions of pounds. God forbid, if my husband decides to divorce me after this show [laughter] and takes me out of his letter of wishes, I take my husband out of my will if we - God forbid - get divorced... I don't benefit. It's my husband's money. It's his money. It's not my money, and it's not my children's money.

DB: Michelle has no access to that money, and Michelle has no discretion over that money. Unless I wanted to give everything away to strangers, or the charity or whatever, she was always going to benefit, and my family will benefit in due course. Her family benefit, my family benefit. That's what you do when you're in the privileged position of making money.

LK: Why not then just say, "Yes, I stand to benefit one day"? Rather than what you have chosen to do, which is repeatedly say "I'm not benefitting financially". You will one day. We're not talking here about someone getting a Christmas bonus and saying I'm not going to give it to my wife now, I'm going to put it in the bank and surprise her later on with a lovely family holiday or I'm going to hold that money back, because maybe one day we might be able to save the deposit for a kid's flat further down the line.

DB: Yeah, sure

LK: You've both admitted today that you will in time benefit financially from that cash. Your family as a unit will benefit from that cash. Why didn't you just be more straightforward about it?

MM: I am being straightforward about it now Laura. I'm saying to you that I didn't receive that cash. That cash is not my cash. That cash is my husband's cash.


** "I am being honest now" is not a satisfactory answer to "Why have you been dishonest until  now?" but Mone keeps pleading right to the end.

 

LK: But do you admit...

MM: We are... It's just like my Mum... my Dad came home with his wage - you know - packet on a Friday night and given it to my Mum, so she's - you know - benefitting from that as well. But that cash is not my cash, it's not my children's cash. As the press and the attacks keep going on. And that's the problem.

LK: But do you admit that one day that money will come to you or your children?

MM: Maybe not. Maybe not. I just said it to you. Maybe not if God forbid if we get divorced after this show...

LK: But just to be crystal clear, because this is at the heart of it, and I know you want to get the facts out there, we want to be completely crystal clear. Do you admit today that with the way that you've currently got your finances set up, that one day you and your children will benefit from that money, because you right now are listed as the beneficiaries of that trust?

MM: If one day, if - God forbid - my husband passes away before me, then I'm a beneficiary as well as his children and my children. So, yes, of course

LK: How would you describe the government's overall handling of trying to get PPE during that crisis from what you saw?

MM: You know it's easy to criticise now. We were in a global pandemic. Everybody was panicking. It's appalling that over £9.1 billion was over-ordered. Five years of stock of PPE when it only has a shelf life of two years. And all I will say right now is "Why are we not holding them to account?" - the DHSC - why is there no management system, stock system, integration system? If you're running a proper business - a department store, a brand - you know your stocks, you know what's on the boat coming in, you know what's on the shop floor, you know what's in your warehouse. Why do they not know where everything is? Lying in fields all over the country, a complete and utter waste of taxpayers' money. And the reason why Doug and I, my husband and I, are sitting here is because we've been a scapegoat - goats -  and they have destroyed our lives for over two years because it suited them, the narrative suits them, to attack us the way they have done and at the end of the day the masks were delivered, they were high quality masks, at the best prices; the gowns were delivered, there was no issue with the gowns** - they passed them, they paid for them, they congratulated them on the quality as well...


** Even at this stage there's no hint of a problem with the second contract.


DB: I think they wanted to hold us out as the Bonnie and Clyde of PPE. It suited the narrative. They have had a one-way ticket to push that narrative because we have not fought back in two years.

LK: But you feel like your lives have been ruined the last couple of years.

MM: Yeah, of course they have. Of course they have. I mean... and the pain that's caused in our family and over - you know I think the attacks, they go up all the time, over 700 threats, you know, I'm going to throw acid over you, I'm going to burn your house down... The hatred... we've been absolutely vilified, and you know, we've only just, we've done a... one thing, which was lie to the press to say we weren't involved. No-one deserves this.

LK: So, Doug, lets then take you to a time when - as far as you're concerned, contracts have happened, deliveries have taken place, the Department of Health then gets in touch, says something's gone wrong, they try to claw back money... Tell us what then happens.

DB: OK, well obviously the gowns were delivered August 2020. Actually in October 2020 we actually had an enquiry from the government for another 2 million gowns. This time they asked us to double bag them, because they hadn't specified their preference, which was to double bag gowns as opposed to single bag. In fact 24 other UK suppliers all produced single bag gowns as well, and all had their gowns rejected as well. So we have a situation where we had a number of mediations because our view is, we supplied everything on time, to specification and at competitive prices. Any problems in contract specification were your fault, and it's very very clear that, you know, they're interested in settling**, but they want a sum of money that quite honestly we are not of a mind to pay. So I then have a separate meeting and this individual asks me, would I pay more for the other matter to go away? I was speechless. I didn't quite understand what he meant by that. The only other matter on the table was the NCA investigation, which had commenced, as far as we were aware, in April 2022. I was absolutely gobsmacked. I think it raises very serious questions as to what that official meant, what he was saying. I'm clear in my mind what he was saying. He was asking me if I would pay more money for the NCA investigation to be called off.


** Barrowman's "they're interested in settling" suggests the government is trying to "claw back money", but his explanation is so clumsy that the accusation against the "official" isn't as effective as it will need to be in court.


LK: So you're clear in your mind that a senior government official suggested that you hand over a lot of money to make a criminal investigation go away.

DB: The phrase "will you pay more for the other matter to go away" I think it leaves it in very little doubt that, was I holding back any money on the civil case when in fact I'd pay more for the other matter to go away as well

LK: That's an extraordinarily serious allegation to make. If that's what you believed was happening why didn't you go to the police at that point. If you believed a senior government official was trying to bribe** you to make a criminal investigation go away, why didn't you report it to the police then?


** Laura Kuenssberg doesn't know what "bribe" means. This is an allegation of something like extortion, certainly misuse of power.


DB: I take the advice of my legal team, and the legal team at that point in time suggested that we park that one for now**.


** Another time, I'd wonder what that says about his general regard for the law.


LK: What's the worst moment been for you?

MM: Everything... You know I'm such a strong, a strong woman, but it's relentless. As I said, it's over 800 days in the media, every day. It's the attacks, it's the threats, it's the social media, the kangaroo court, the... You know, they all think we're guilty. Guilty for what?

LK: Just a factual question** to you Doug. Are you a person of significant control in PPE Medpro?

DB: Oh, that's a tough question Laura. What I am is somebody who is a beneficiary of the trust that owns - owned - PPE Medpro. So what that means is I suppose I'm the ultimate beneficial owner - a UBO. That's a technical question you'd have to ask my accountants and family people - family office people.

LK: You've told us very candidly today that you led the consortium, you did the deal, and yet when you look up at Companies House, which is where everything's meant to be registered in a normal way, you're nowhere to be seen.     

DB: In terms of my appointments they're all handled by the people in my family office. That's normal practice, and has been that way for ever.


** This "factual question" and Barrowman's family office and its relationship to Companies House has been put under the microscope by the tax specialist Dan Neidle.


LK: I think some of our viewers, though, might feel there's a bit of a pattern. At the beginning of this, the rules of the Lords say that your interests should be declared. You didn't - you say the Cabinet Office told you not to. When it first emerged that you were behind PPE Medpro you didn't tell the truth about that. Doug, you led this consortium, you've made tens of millions of pounds out of it for your family, but your name's nowhere to be found on Companies House when it comes to the business. And Michelle, you've said repeatedly you didn't benefit financially, except you've also admitted today that in time your families may well benefit from huge amounts of money. Do you think some of our viewers might listen to this and just think there's a pattern here of time and again trying to hide what really happened.

DB: Look Laura. At the end of the day I can speak for myself here and that is I'm a private person. I'm a private person. There's a reason why I live in the Isle of Man. I'm not here today to defend my record on why I am a private person and don't want anyone in the press to know of any business activity or anything I get engaged in.

LK: But Michelle, it does feel like the truth has had to be dragged out here

MM: Not really Laura, because the only thing I'd say to you is the only error that I have made is say to the press that I wasn't involved. As I said, DHSC, the NHS, the emergency Cabinet Office, they knew of all my involvement. They were calling me constantly. I was calling them. They were sending me emails constantly, over 1400 emails.

LK: But you repeatedly didn't tell the truth, your lawyers told journalists who were trying to report the truth that they would be libelling you if they told the truth. It sounds like whether it's the money, whether it's your involvement, whether it's whether you had to tell parliament, it's a smokescreen.

MM: But that's why we're here today doing an interview after two years.

LK: Do you see why the people listening might feel that?

MM: But that's why we're explaining to people

LK: What do you hope that 2024 will bring for you, legally, for your reputations and for you personally?

MM: I don't honestly see that there's a case to answer. I can't see what we've done wrong. Doug and the consortium have simply delivered a contract, a delivery, contract of goods...

LK: But after everything, you can't see what you've done wrong, when you've admitted today that you lied to the press... and by extension you lied to the public

MM That's not a crime... Laura, saying to the press that I'm not involved, to protect my family, can I just make this clear, it's not a crime. The press have got nothing to do with my family. I was protecting my family. And I think people will realize that in the press attacks that I have gone through since I walked into the House of Lords. I was a very successful individual, businesswoman, and since I walked into the House of Lords it's been a nightmare for my family. So, that's not a crime to say to the press, to tell the press what I did. That's not a crime.

LK: Doug Barrowman, Michelle Mone, thank you very much.



Saturday, 15 July 2023

Be prepared - Covid inquiry week 5

As I write, Boris Johnson still hasn't delivered the Whatsapp messages from his old phone, covering more than half the period identified as important to the Covid inquiry. It's now nine days since the Cabinet Office lost its court case and told us it was perfectly happy with that result: "[O]ur judicial review application was valid as it raised issues over the application of the Inquiries Act 2005 that have now been clarified. The court’s judgment is a sensible resolution and will mean that the inquiry chair is able to see the information she may deem relevant, but we can work together to have an arrangement that respects the privacy of individuals and ensures completely irrelevant information is returned and not retained".

Which is what most of us probably thought the law was all along. Baroness Hallett, the inquiry chair, simply said "You have until Monday". Which came and went. The Cabinet Office told us they'd handed everything over, but this wasn't true. The old, suspect phone was still in Johnson's hands and still unopened, despite his declared readiness to see every one of his Whatsapps in Hallett's hands, despite his supposed consultation with security specialists for help with safe access to the device, and despite the passing of six weeks.

Enough time for him to copy all the messages out longhand.

Instead, he decided he'd forgotten the PIN. As ever, he was delighted to help, but put off the inconvenient moment as long as he could get away with. And more. Maybe next Monday. . .

A historian of bugs and drugs


Week 5 of the inquiry was dominated by evidence on pandemic preparedness in Northern Ireland and local authorities, and began with a historical tour d'horizon of public health around the UK by Dr Claas Kirchhelle, self-styled "historian of bugs and drugs".

The inquiry had asked him to look at "the history of public health bodies in England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland... key Emergency Preparedness, Resilience and Response functions and structures... including public health laboratories... and the impact of the changes of public health structures on... the cohesion of the public health system, information sharing, the workforce, and on pandemic preparedness and resilience".

In exchanges with the inquiry's counsel Kate Blackwell (which I've mashed together to produce some kind of narrative), Kirchhelle took us through "1939 to 2002... the post-war evolution of United Kingdom public health arrangements and infrastructures prior to the major health security oriented regulatory reconfigurations that took place following the 1990s BSE crisis and also the 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center", then "2002 to 2010... 'Centralisation and Fragmentation'... new integrated health protection bodies at the level of the UK and also the devolved nations, local health services and evolving pandemic preparedness amidst the 2003 and 2009 outbreaks of SARS CoV-1 and swine flu" and "2010 to 2019... 'Austerity and Localism'... new doctrines of localism amidst austerity-related cuts to local public health budgets and the influence of new molecular technologies on laboratory infrastructures".

It's a story of re-organisations, restructurings and devolution, with new market structures in health spreading to public health laboratories: "From the 1990s onwards, the Public Health Laboratory Service had sole management of the laboratories and charged health authorities and GPs for diagnostic tests [with] formalised charging arrangement[s] significantly complicat[ing] the very effective yet quite informal arrangements of the post-war period".

Then "the 'painful birth' [of the Health Protection Agency, in 2003] is a quote... from the first executive of the HPA... following the 9/11 attacks, but also following a request by the UK's government, the then UK [Chief Medical Officer] Liam Donaldson reconceptualised health protection in a very American CDC-led style, where you would integrate and combine responsibilities for infection control, radioactive and chemical hazard control, into one big agency that could, in a kind of command and control system, gather the intelligence and swoop in... should there be problems at the local level".

The Health Protection Agency received "£116 million of funding from the Department of Health... in... its first year in existence, then that rose to £193 million... following the 2009 swine flu outbreak, and then went back down to £142 million in the 2012/2013 budgetary year. That differing rise and fall was also mirrored in staffing levels... a classic example of yo-yo funding for public health in and outside crises... once the immediate perception of a crisis has passed, funding tends to go down".

And finally to "the period of time that this Inquiry is concerned with, and it's really 2009 or 2010 up to the time that Covid hit... in 2012, in England, we saw the most complex political restructuring of health and public health services that had happened in decades, or perhaps ever. The primary care trusts were abolished and public health competencies were transferred back to local authorities, as had been the case before [the PCTs'] creation... the HPA was replaced by what is described as a super-organisation, in the form of Public Health England... the rationale [was] to integrate health protection and health improvement functions... similar reforms in the devolved administrations... health improvement during this time is becoming very big in international health, and the UK is in line with the trends there".
 
This tale of reshaping and upending is far too long to reproduce here. You can watch the evidence session (first two and a half hours), read the transcript, or take a look at Dr Kirchhelle's report.

Local authorities - poor relations?


Don't bother trying to make sense of this.
"Councils were expected to lead a response in their community to a whole range of issues. We were learning of the issues and the expected response in the afternoon press conferences in the same way as the rest of the nation."

This is a picture of the Covid period itself rather than the preparatory years this module of the inquiry is supposed to be concerned with, but it illustrates the story told during a three-hander on Wednesday 12 July (day 19 transcript - search for Mark Lloyd - or video - from 1 hour 26 minutes; again my narrative puts together lines from Blackwell and her witness). The words are from Mark Lloyd, Chief Executive of the Local Government Association, who was supported by Chris Llewellyn and Alison Allen of the Welsh and Northern Ireland LGAs, and the fact that Lloyd's words present most of the narrative seems to illustrate our less than perfect devolution.

"[G]overnment has increasingly looked to local resilience forums" (one of the many elements of UK pandemic preparedness which are not so much illustrated in as splattered across the organogram above) "to respond to a range of issues that one wouldn't naturally describe as an emergency," suggested Mr Lloyd. "So EU exit, for example, the death of the monarch, for example. So we need to be clear about what they're for."

Lloyd continued with examples from Covid, preparation for no-deal Brexit, and more generally: "Councils were expected to lead a response in their community to a whole range of issues. We were learning of the issues and the expected response in the afternoon press conferences in the same way as the rest of the nation... When it came to port authorities trying to access information about the likely impact on their transport infrastructure of a no-deal exit from the EU, we could not access, without extreme pressure, data from the relevant government agency."

"... We have some parts of the country where the coterminosity between a local resilience for[um], police force area and local authorities is tidy. There are parts of the country where that is not the case... Historically... the funding of the local resilience fora fell to the local partners. That changed during EU exit preparation when some resources came in. During the [decade before Covid] local authorities were subject to significant financial pressures... the resources that councils were able to invest in local resilience fora decreased by some 35%."

"... local government is all about the well-being of its place, including public health, and by bringing the public health function firmly back into local governments, it ensured that in everything we do around tackling homelessness, the work we do around employment and jobs, the things that we do to support anybody that has any kind of vulnerability, we started to view that through the public health lens. So not only did we move the relatively small public health teams in, we turned councils in their entirety into public health organisations. That's a great big win."

How much the local structures are really included in national preparation for a pandemic is a concern. Apart from a few local fora which actually took part, the pandemic flu exercise Cygnus was "kept secret from local government" and its conclusions and recommendations were not published until the preparation of this inquiry, which "is particularly concerning... given that... one of the overarching findings of the report was that the United Kingdom was not equipped for a pandemic... [A]t the moment it's seen as a top-down approach to these kinds of events and local government is brought in as a participant on a small scale rather than at the core of the exercise".

Similarly exercise Alice, which attempted to simulate a coronavirus outbreak. The Local Government Association "did not become aware of Exercise Alice taking place until the autumn of last year, 2022... Alice was a desktop exercise exploring the consequence of the UK experiencing a SARS, MERS outbreak. The local government family, I think that applies to the whole of the nation, didn't become aware of the exercise having taken place, nor its conclusions, until the report became known through the work of this Inquiry... it was the first time when issues like quarantine featured in planning. It would have changed what we were doing in our local planning to have knowledge of that kind of intent".

"... the local-national interface... is a shared endeavour to manage the nation through events, like the tragic event of a pandemic. If we're not sighted on the recommendations like the 22 set out in Exercise Cygnus, like recommendation 21 around excess death management and the consequences for us at a local level, we're not planning in the way that we should be."

Lady Hallett intervened: "Does that mean that no local bodies were involved in Exercise Alice?" and Lloyd repeated, "... in Cygnus there was the engagement of eight local resilience fora. To the best of my knowledge there was no local government involvement in... Exercise Alice". Hallett mused, "So no input and then you're not even told what the recommendations are?"

They can't stop saying "Brexit"


On day 1 Hugo Keith KC - Lead Counsel to the Inquiry - set the scene for the first module, based on evidence gathered, procured and commissioned over the last year. The Telegraph didn't like his winding up.

"Lastly, the pandemic struck the United Kingdom just as it was leaving the European Union. That departure required an enormous amount of planning and preparation, particularly to address what were likely to be the severe consequences of a no-deal exit on food and medicine supplies, travel and transport, business, borders and so on. It is clear that such planning, from 2018 onwards, crowded out and prevented some or perhaps a majority of the improvements that central government itself understood were required to be made to resilience planning and preparedness.

"Did the attention therefore paid to the risks of a no-deal exit, Operation Yellowhammer as it was known, drain the resources and capacity that should have been continuing the fight against the next pandemic, that should have been utilised in preparing the United Kingdom for civil emergency? Or did all that generic and operational planning in fact lead to people being better trained and well marshalled and, in fact, better prepared to deal with Covid, and also to the existence of improved trade medicine and supply links? My Lady, on the evidence so far, but it will be a matter for you, we very much fear that it was the former."

The Telegraph complained of "allegations of bias" (paywalled story, later reproduced), which it had invited. "Jacob Rees-Mogg, the former Brexit Opportunities minister, said: 'The die-hard Remainers think everything is caused by Brexit, which is delusional. Unfortunately, this foolish comment starts the inquiry off on the wrong foot. It ought to stick to relevant facts, not self-indulgent speculations'.”

Several witnesses I've heard have indeed given evidence that transferring people and resources into preparation for no deal (or indeed for Brexit generally, as Gove said this Thursday: "There was a widespread feeling [shortly after Boris Johnson became Prime Minister], and one that I shared, that there had been insufficient focus and urgency in our preparation for EU exit overall, and specifically for a no-deal exit.") meant that, for example, some of the recommendations from Exercise Cygnus could not be pursued. Are these not relevant facts?

Matthew Hancock (day 10) pushed back by observing that the work done on no-deal preparation left his department with a knowledge of medicine supply chains which turned out to be very useful in 2020. Michael Gove (day 20) pushed back more generally, arguing that Operation Yellowhammer gave government much deeper understanding of other supply chains and processes, but finally admitted under questioning from counsel for Covid-19 Bereaved Families For Justice that such understanding didn't extend to everything - PPE, for example.

On Wednesday (day 19) Mark Lloyd - Chief Executive of the Local Government Association , quoted above - restated and answered Keith's initial question. "[T]here's a plus and a minus on this. So the plus, the work on no-deal Brexit preparation actually brought partners together and meant that we were working on issues that provided a helpful starting point for the very, very significant challenges that then came our way. On the negative side, the consequence of that focus so rigorously on no-deal preparation did mean that routine activity, the reviewing of plans, the testing and training, work on pan flu, et cetera, was deferred.

"There is a definite consequence. Local government... is very dynamic and we will move resources around to the issue that's presenting to our community, but we in the main have to do it with the resources that we've got. You've had previous witnesses that talked about the increase in capacity in central government to deal with Yellowhammer. Local government didn't increase its capacity, we had to move staff around. The consequence of moving staff around was some things had to go. Add to that my previous reference to the impact of financial cuts in councils, typically emergency planning staff halved during that decade, so there was less capacity anyway going into no-deal planning."

Nobody who's read my posts in any forum will doubt that I consider leaving the EU to have been the wrong thing to do, but it's daft to suggest that everything bad in today's UK is the fault of Brexit. Just as Rees-Mogg's claim that any negative comment about Brexit (in fact it concerned preparation for the kind of Brexit his government was officially trying to avoid) somehow shows Keith up as a "die-hard Remainer" is a petulant error of logic.

It was the last point in a long, detailed scene setting, perhaps, but the lawyer's passage quoted above is 199 words from a presentation of some 9,275. Were the other 9,000 words not worthy of comment (you'd think a discussion of health inequalities, and whether health and care funding was adequate, might exercise a Conservative newspaper and a former Conservative cabinet minister) or did they not notice the rest as their Brexit klaxon sounded?



UK (mostly) Bluesky starter packs

These are starter packs I've encountered ( mostly UK-based ), with the Bluesky account each one is associated with. I really did try to ...